THE IMPACT OF NATIONALISM
IN THE PHILIPPINES

Nationalism may be defined as the belief in the independence of the nation-state and in the efforts to bring all facets of the national life to their finest expression of self-identity and fulfillment. Nationalism has been an especially potent force in the religious history of the Filipino people. Spain – and the Roman Church – by uniting the many scattered islands and tribes of the Philippines under one government and one religion, served as the agents for bringing about the conditions out of which Philippine nationalism emerged However, the Spaniards proved to be particularly impervious to the developing national consciousness of the Filipinos and, by the latter half of the nineteenth century, Philippine resentment against Spain and the friar-dominated Church exploded in a torrent of revolutionary discontent.

The Philippine Revolution that broke out in 1898 can be said to have been a war, not only for political independence, but for religious independence as well. Filipino hopes for representation in the Spanish Cortes were constantly dashed to the ground. Occasionally, liberal governors general were sent to the islands from Spain, with a subsequent liberalization of colonial policies. The reforms, however, were short-lived. Repression and rejection of Filipino desires for autonomy continued to be the prevailing policy. Although Rizal did not agitate for open revolution, but rather favored evolution of the colonial administration, in the direction of increasing Filipino representation in the Spanish government, he soon began to despair of Spain's granting such a moderate request.
The martyrdom of a relative conservative, such as Rizal, left no doubt in the minds of the other Filipino nationalists as to where Spain stood. Agitation began to grow; and the nationalist leadership passed into the hands of out-and-out revolutionaires like Andres Bonifacio. Soon there was no turning back from the violent course of action embarked upon by the Katipunan, the revolutionary society founded by Bonifacio.

The first Philippine Republic – and indeed the first republic in Asia – was declared in 1898 at Kawit, Cavite; but the war with Spain and then with America sadly ended the independence of the fledgling Republic. Although Spanish colonialism was ended, a new era of colonial administration – this time under the Americans – was initiated, leaving the hopes for independence unrealized for almost another half century. However, it should be stressed that military defeat and occupation did not destroy the nationalist fires, for they continued to smolder during the long years of American, and later Japanese, rule. The fact that the American colonial administration was much more liberal than Spain’s had been, and that from the first United States began laying the framework for eventual self-government did much to mitigate and re-channel nationalist feelings away from revolution and toward progressive reform, leading in the direction of a commonwealth government. Even so, it was not surprising for a nationalist, such as Manuel Quezon, to utter the now-famous quip, “I would rather have a government run like hell by the Filipinos than a government run like heaven by the Americans.” Throughout the last decades of the nineteenth century and the whole of the twentieth century nationalist has always been a force to reckon with in the Philippines whether in the government or in the church. The Filipino desire for nationhood has been unceasing.

It is only in the context of the above remarks that one can understand the impact nationalism has had upon religion in the Philippines. Just as the Philippine Revolution was the political response of the people to the colonial government, so the Aglipayan movement was their religious response to the foreign-dominated Roman Church. Father Gregorio Aglipay broke with the Church of Rome primarily for nationalistic reasons. Capable Filipino priests had been given no real place in the Church. Regardless of the training and ability they had, they were looked down upon as "indios" who were supposed to be content with their subservience to the foreign priests and friars. Advancement commensurate with their talents and dedication was almost impossible. Any agitation they made for a hearing, any assertation they made of their own rights was most often looked upon as subversion and even outright treason. Such action was regarded as disloyalty both to Spain and to the Church of Rome. The martyrdom of the Filipino priests Burgos, Zamora a Gomez in 1872, on fabricated charges falsely linking them with the Cavite Mutiny, served further to advance the cause of Filipino nationalism among the native clergy. Instead of being intimidated they were emboldened to fight all the harder for their legitimate aspirations.

But the Roman Catholic Church, wedded to Spain, was implacable. The vested interests of the foreign orders were too great. And, as a result, Aglipay's religious revolution followed hard on the heels of the stirring events at Kawit and Malolos. Although, at first he made extended efforts to get a hearing with the Holy See in Rome, Aglipay became bitterly disillusioned and saw no recourse but to set up a National Catholic Church. Thus was born La Iglesia Filipina Independiente under the dynamic leadership of Gregorio Aglipay, as its Supreme Bishop. In the first five years of the twentieth century it seemed as if the whole country would follow the lead of Aglipay in establishing a national church, similar to the way that the Church of England had broken away from Rome. By 1906, the Independent Church claimed 6,000,000 members, leaving only 1,000,000 in the Roman Catholic Church. In time, however, the movement toward a national church began to lose much of its momentum. As has been mentioned, the Aglipayans suffered a terrible blow when the Supreme Court in 1906 returned church buildings and property to the Church of Rome. In addition, the Philippine Independent Church became so embroiled in political activities that she had little time to develop her life as a church. She failed to recruit enough priests and properly train them. She developed no over-all program and in general failed to challenge her members. Not only this, but the Roman Church began to adapt herself to the new situation. In 1903 and 1904 the Roman Church began to bring in American bishops and archbishops, who, while not Filipinos, were at least more liberal and sympathetic than the Spanish hierarchy had been. Then there were many Filipinos, who were fearful of leaving the "Mother Church." They preferred to remain faithful or, if they had left, to "return to Rome." And, finally, the entrance of the Protestant denominations in full force began to win a significant number of members who otherwise would probably have followed Aglipay." The Protestant missionaries, although not nationalistic in orientation like the leaders of the Iglesia Independiente, were in other ways more in keeping with the liberalizing spirit of the age. Theirs was a religion that was in significant ways progressive, simple and ethical in its emphases – factors which appealed to many forward-looking Filipinos, who were weary of the excessive amount of dogma, ritual and medieval trappings of the Roman Church, not a few of which had been retained by Aglipay.

Nonetheless, the above statements should not detract from the permanent significance of what Agljpay did and what the Philippine Independent Church has stood for. Even though it did not come to be the national church, as at first had seemed likely, it did retain the allegiance of a significant portion of the Filipino population, numbering today perhaps 2,000,000 adherents. As long as it exists – and indeed it is going through a period of awakening and creative renewal today – it will be a striking witness of the power of Filipino nationalism and of the importance of self-leadership and self-development in the Christian Church.

Go to Next Section: Nationalism and the Rise of the IEMELIF

Back to Table of Contents